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15 novembre 2008 6 15 /11 /novembre /2008 11:15

(verbatim-dépêches)


http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/03/18/obama.transcript/index.html

March 18, 2008 -- Updated 1602 GMT (0002 HKT)

Transcript of Obama's speechNext Article in Politics

Sen. Barack Obama has said the controversy over his ex-pastor's remarks has been "a distraction" to the campaign.

The following is a transcript of Sen. Barack Obama's speech, as provided by Obama's campaign.



We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy.

Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution -- a Constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States.

What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part -- through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk -- to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign -- to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America.

I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together -- unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction -- towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas.

I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners -- an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters.

I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts -- that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity.

Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African-Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough."

We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action, that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap.

On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation -- that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Rev. Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain.

Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely -- just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice.

Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country -- a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America, a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Rev. Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems -- two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Rev. Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church?

And I confess that if all that I knew of Rev. Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and YouTube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than 20 years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor.

He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine, who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth -- by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, "Dreams From My Father," I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note -- hope! -- I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones.

"Those stories -- of survival, and freedom, and hope -- became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world.

"Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish -- and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety -- the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger.

Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear.

The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Rev. Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children.

Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions -- the good and the bad -- of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother -- a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork.

We can dismiss Rev. Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Rev. Wright made in his offending sermons about America -- to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through -- a part of our union that we have yet to perfect.

And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country.

But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination -- where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments -- meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations.

That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families -- a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened.

And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods -- parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement -- all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Rev. Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted.

What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it -- those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination.

That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations -- those young men and, increasingly, young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways.

For the men and women of Rev. Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years.

That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Rev. Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning.

That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change.

But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race.

Their experience is the immigrant experience -- as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor.

They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense.

So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African-American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation.

Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle-class squeeze -- a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many.

And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns -- this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy -- particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction -- a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people -- that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life.

But it also means binding our particular grievances -- for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs -- to the larger aspirations of all Americans, the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family.

And it means taking full responsibility for own lives -- by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American -- and yes, conservative -- notion of self-help found frequent expression in Rev. Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Rev. Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country -- a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black, Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past.

But what we know -- what we have seen -- is that America can change. That is the true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope -- the audacity to hope -- for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination -- and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past -- are real and must be addressed.

Not just with words, but with deeds -- by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations.

It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle -- as we did in the O.J. trial -- or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina -- or as fodder for the nightly news.

We can play Rev. Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words.

We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children.

This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st Century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care, who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life.

This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag.

We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for president if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected.

And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation -- the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today -- a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, 23-year-old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was 9 years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents, too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time.

And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."


"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.


Discours de Barack Obama à Philadelphie : le tournant de la campagne ?

mercredi 19 mars 2008
 
On semble le ressentir depuis plusieurs jours : le vent est peut-être entrain de tourner en faveur d’Obama. En ce qui concerne le nombre de délégués, le sénateur de l’Illinois devance légèrement sa rivale. Mais plusieurs signes indiquent que, malgré un début de semaine difficile, Barack Obama est a su redresser la barre.

Tout d’abord, les dernières analyses indiquent qu’une majorité des délégués qui avaient soutenu John Edwards se sont reportés sur la candidature de Barack Obama. De plus, des sources officieuses sous-entendent que Nancy Pelosi pencherait pour la candidature du sénateur de l’Illinois. Si cela se concrétisait, il remporterait le soutien de la Speaker de la Chambre des représentants au Congrès. Il s’agit d’une des personnalités les plus influentes du parti démocrate. Visiblement agacé par les rivalités internes au sein du parti, Mme Pelosi enverrait ainsi un signal fort aux électeurs et pourrait entrainer avec elle une vague de soutien de nombreux superdélégués.

Hillary Clinton va devoir également changer de stratégie. D’autant plus que Barack Obama est entrain de renforcer sa stature de présidentiable. Attaqué depuis plusieurs jours suite aux déclarations du pasteur Jeremiah Wright, le sénateur a décidé de passer à l’offensive en prononçant l’un des plus beau discours de la campagne des primaires démocrates.

Son discours de Philadelphie d’une durée, d’une quarantaine de minutes, a une nouvelle fois démontré que Barack Obama est un grand orateur. Il a ainsi appelé à l’unité de tous les américains.

Tout en réaffirmant son opposition la plus totale aux propos tenus par le révérend Wright, Barack Obama a souhaité tourner son discours vers l’avenir. Il a surtout émis le souhait que les américains se rassemblent au-delà de leurs différences. Tout en expliquant que le racisme est un sujet que la Nation américaine ne peut ignorer, il a affirmé que le fait de travailler ensemble permettra de surmonter les vieilles blessures liées aux divisions raciales. En décrivant son enfance et ses origines, Barack Obama est parvenu à décrire comment il avait passé sa vie à surmonter ses ressentiments.

Ce message de rassemblement est considéré par les analystes politiques comme un message d’espoir au moment où les polémiques raciales sont omniprésentes dans la campagne des primaires démocrates.

En prenant les devants, Barack Obama a marqué des points par rapport à sa rivale, en tentant d'écarter les divisions raciales de la campagne des primaires. Le discours de Philadelphie constituera-t-il le véritable tournant de la campagne ? Réponse dans les prochaines semaines.

Publié par Regard sur les Etats-Unis à l'adresse 2:38 PM 
Libellés : Politique : Election Présidentielle 2008

7 commentaires:

Alexandre Vatimbella a dit…
Je suis surpris de la teneur de cet article dans son affirmation que les jeux semblent être définitivement faits du côté démocrate. Le discours de Philadelphie de Barack Obama a beau être très intéressant avec les belles envolées qu'on a déjà entendu dans la bouche du sénateur de l'Illinois et qui font vibrer les foules, il vient avant tout pour se justifier d'avoir un pasteur noir raciste et anti-américain, affirmant que le gouvernement a intentionnellement inculqué le virus du sida aux noirs et qui tient depuis des années des propos d'une rare violence contre les blancs et surtout contre son pays, ce que les Américains n'apprécient guère en général pour qui les connaît. Pasteur en qui il garde confiance, par ailleurs, au niveau religieux. Et les analystes ne manquent pas, aux Etats-Unis, sur l'ensemble des plateaux de télévision, de pointer l'énorme danger que cela représente pour Obama et représentera ensuite face aux Républicains. D'autant que seule une petite minorité d'Américains a vu la vidéo du pasteur jusqu'à présent. D'ailleurs, les Républicains commencent à monter au créneau en parlant des propos du pasteur Jeremiah Wright comme les plus terribles jamais entendu sur les Etats-Unis et se demandent comment Obama a pu demeurer si longtemps avec un pasteur qui tient ces propos. On peut donc leur faire confiance pour utiliser ce thème (comme ils ont utilisé celui de la guerre du Vietnam contre John Kerry et, encore, cette campagne là était mensongère) et peut-être même que l'équipe Clinton l'utilisera. Alors oui, cela peut être un tournant de la campagne mais peut-être pas dans le sens où vous l'indiquez...
20 mars 2008 12:17 

Pierrick a dit…
Je suis d'accord avec Alexandre. Ce discours, aussi brillant soit-il, pourrait être le tournant de la campagne, mais peut être pas comme on l'entend dans cet article. Rien ne dit que d'affronter la question raciale de front, ce qui est très courageux, ne fasse pas peur à une partie de l'électorat américain... Et Obama pourrait voir la situation s'invereser. Les dernier sondages vont d'ailleurs dans ce sens
21 mars 2008 12:23 

Regard sur les Etats-Unis a dit…
Toutes vos remarques sont parfaitement justes. Nous tenons à préciser que de nombreux médias et analystes ont très vite critiqué les liens privilégiés qu’entretien Barack Obama avec le révérend Jeremiah Wright. (cf article du 15 mars 2008 sur le sujet) Néanmoins, nous tenons à préciser que l’article que vous désignez n’émet aucune certitude quant à l’issue des primaires démocrates. Il serait bien trop imprudent de se prononcer de manière catégorique sur le sujet.

Cependant nous nous sommes basés sur plusieurs articles d’analystes politiques américains afin de souligner que le discours de Barack Obama pouvait peser dans la suite de la campagne des primaires. Nous avons par exemple tenu compte des analyses de Jay Cost du site Real Clear Politics qui explique qu’Hillary Clinton a actuellement moins de chances de l’emporter que Barack Obama.

Par ailleurs, comme vous le précisez très justement, Hillary Clinton pourrait très bien renverser une nouvelle fois la tendance en effectuant un comeback comme elle a nous a déjà habitué à le faire. Les derniers sondages effectués en pleine polémique et avant le discours du candidat illustrent d’ailleurs, comme vous le précisez, que la polémique a causé du tord à Barack Obama.

Regard sur les Etats-Unis n’a jamais affirmé de manière catégorique la victoire de l’un ou l’autre des candidats. Il s’agissait d’une interrogation basée sur le rapprochement de plusieurs sources et aucunement d’une affirmation catégorique.
21 mars 2008 15:09 

dupuy jean deland a dit…
pour moi mr Obama est un choix rationnel pour l'amerique et pour le monde il le potentialite d'un homme universel sa qualite moralpour moi lui cache un future prinobel de la paix il a l'image de jesus christ en lui sa message a phyladelphia represente a celle de jesus sur la montagne des oliviers
21 mars 2008 18:37 

Rodrigues Mingas a dit…
Je suis surpris par tant de critiques nefastes et hacelements à l'encontre du Senateur de l'Illilois. 1 en quoi les propos tenus par son ex pasteur qui n'est aucunement membre dou responsable de campagne de Mr Obama et qu'on veut à tors lui coller sur le dos!
Arrêtons l'hypocrisie, connaissant parfaitement les USA pour avoir séjourné plusieurs fois dans ce pays de l'oncle Sam, il est marrant de voir que le couple Clinton est éssouflé et n'a rrive pas à accepter l'évidence, celle par exemple que les minorités ethniques qui traditionnellemnt votaient pour eux hier puissent voter pour quelqu'un d'autre qu'eux. I y a 24h William Clinton alis Bill, vient ecore de commetre une gaffe dans un discours tendancieux à la Mc Carthisme et cela est grave,et encore une chose que je reproche aux médias européens la tendance "colorique" qu'on colle à Mr Obama par le senateur "métis" ou "noir" selon le tempérament des uns et des autres et jamais à Dame Roddham-Clinton bien qu'ayant un prenom masculin et ridiculement féminisé "Hilary" sans ie à la fin même de senatrice "Blanche" de new york!
Or, nul n'est sans l'oublier que les USA a été l'ancêtre del'appartheid de l'Afrique du Sud et que les tension raciales sont toujours très vives aux USA, et à mon humble avis Mr. Obama est le seul candidat qui incarne l'unité des peuple qui composent l'amérique actuelle.
Regardez Mc Cain qui déclare que l'Amerique à réussit en Irak et en moins de quelques heures de ses propos mensongers la réalité confirme autre chose: 7 soldats américains viennent de trouver la mort Bagdad même!
Allons voyant halte à la mythomanie!
Change we Believe in! Yeah Vote senator Obama for president!
22 mars 2008 12:14 

Anonyme a dit…
Rodrigues Mingas ... Nous sommes complètement en accord avec vous. Nous nous posons des questions sur l'honneteté intellectuelle de ces gens qui désignent les autres par leur RACE et disent qu'ils ne sont pas raciste. Depuis que nous suivons la campagne des primaires US, nous avons remarqué un mépris de la démocratie et de l'adversaire, dans la proposition d'un ticket de second rôle à celui qui est en tête en délégué pour la nomination.
Ces bas instincts du pouvoir à tout prix, dégoute de la politique.
25 mars 2008 02:55 

Anonyme a dit…
Les américains ont aujourd'hui une chance unique de se rachéter devant leurs erreurs du Passé. Obama répresente un homme de consensus aux états unis et dans le monde monde. Le monde entier est fatigué par des années de guerre à commencer par les ÉU eux mêmes.
Obama chaque jour que dieu fait prouve qu'il est capable de faire chanter en choeur les enfants des amériques. Même si les détracteurs du livre n'aiment pas ses oreilles ils reconnaissent au moins ses talents de grand coureur. Les démocrates doivent comprendre qu'a defaut d'accepter l'évidence aujourd'hui font la campagne des républicains.
31 mars 2008 22:15 





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